About two weeks ago, a friend mentioned the elections in Côte d’Ivoire that were to take place this month, on October 31. I was not convinced and quite frankly felt sorry over his joy as I believed the elections were most definitely going to be postponed again like they had been for the past five years.

Today, when many hear Côte d’Ivoire, they think of Didier Drogba, civil war and the mediatic ousting of the French in 2004. However, as one of the biggest cocoa producers in the world, Côte d’Ivoire was once considered one of the most developed countries in Africa. For 39 years, Côte d’Ivoire held strong ties with its former colonial power France and offered a home to many migrants.

The coup in late 1999, which saw the President Henri Konan Bédié being deposed by General Guéi and his supporters, was to be the beginning of the country’s decay. Indeed, the country has since being split in two with the North predominantly Muslim and under the control of the rebels (les Forces Nouvelles) and the South predominantly Christian and under the control of the government.

Ten years later, the country once prosperous has lost most of its glory. Agricultural export affected, ethnic divisions, lack of foreign investment amongst other factors have resulted in Côte d’Ivoire spending a decade in turmoil.

Many believe that the key issue is identification. Northerners who have much more cultural and ethnic affinities with people in Mali and Burkina Faso have rightfully felt discriminated against by the predominantly Baoulé government, but the elections are seen as a rite of passage into the confirmation of their identity as Ivorian and the unification of the country.

Overnight, the official campaign started October 15 and Ivorians feel at last like there is a light at the end of the tunnel. The streets are now home to giant posters representing all 14 candidates, to supporters proudly wearing their candidates’ faces on their clothing and all walking with renewed hope.  The government has declared October 28-29 as paid non-working days in order to allow Ivorians to get their electoral cards. Will elections at last allow Cote d’Ivoire to say its long waited goodbye to violence, death and corruption? Ivorians have longed to close this chapter of their lives for a decade now. But can any of the 14 candidates be the future of Côte d’Ivoire? Elections front-runners are still the same politicians who have been quarrelling over “whose turn it is to eat their cake”: incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo, former Prime Minister Allassane Dramane Ouattara and former President Henri Konan Bédié! Shouldn’t they retire and allow the country to have its renaissance through a young leader? The political discourse in Côte d’Ivoire (like in most African countries) has become a way for these so called “leaders” to enrich themselves whilst claiming to have the solution to the country’s woes. Yet, none of them have been able to resolve the issues; on the contrary, their bickering has further intensified the divide within the country. Their absence of results shows that they are not fit to call themselves the future of Côte d’Ivoire.

Côte d’Ivoire and Ivorians need a young leader with vision, foresight and tangible solutions. It is said that leadership is about a concrete and clear vision and these candidates lack precisely this.

For now, it is best to leave these political dinosaurs for it is with pride that on Sunday 31^st of October 2010, Ivorians will march onto the polls and reclaim their country. It is indeed with pride that Ivorians will march onto the polls chanting: “Elections at last!”

 
To fully understand the issue it is necessary to go back the 2007 Presidential elections. One of the most significant political issues of the time was the Niger Delta. As has been well documented, the Niger Delta accounts for the overwhelming majority of Nigeria’s oil wealth, but the region remains severely underdeveloped. Additionally the region has suffered massive amounts of pollution from oil spills, which have destroyed fisheries and farmlands. This is eliminating the indigenous people’s livelihood, and their ability to improve their standard of living.  Several international NGO’s and local Nigerian civic groups have brought this issue to light, and were able to get Nigerian politicians to address this serious issue.

 
To demonstrate his commitment to fixing the problems of the Niger Delta then presidential candidate Umaru Yar’Adua, picked Goodluck Jonathon who is originally from the region to be his running mate on the powerful People’s Democratic Party(PDP) ticket. After the two won the election they were able to negotiate with MEND and offered amnesty for those willing to lay down their weapons. They also created a Ministry of the Niger Delta to address specific development concerns in the region. These initiatives by the Yar’Adua administration showed signs of initial progress leading some to believe that oil production would soon return to its optimal level.

 
This progress suffered a major setback after the untimely death of President Yar’Adua. His sudden death has threatened to offset the balance of power or elite consensus agreed upon in Nigeria to keep the peace. The unwritten agreement is that the North and South will rotate turns manning the presidency of the country. When Yar’Adua died it put the international spotlight on Nigeria and forced the nation to abide by the constitutional rules of succession and allow Goodluck Jonathan to become president even though it is against their unwritten agreement. Many hoped that he would agree to not re-run for office in the 2011 elections but he has decided to do so anyways. The decision has caused lots of controversy because it is widely considered the North’s turn to rule.

 
The Independence Day car bombing has become a major issue in the Nigerian political debate particularly between president Jonathon and his main rival for the PDP nomination Northerner Ibrahim Babangida. Reports have surfaced that President Jonathon’s administration tried to pressure exiled MEND leader Henry Okah to retract his group’s claim of responsibility for the attack and instead say it was carried out by “Northern extremist who opposed President Jonathon.” Additionally the head of Ibrahim Babangida’s presidential campaign, Raymond Dokpesi was arrested and accused of having sent e-mails to members of MEND confirming the attack. He was later released and has threatened to sue the government over his detention. Dokpesi also claims that his family has received threats from members of MEND and people he describes as Jonathon’s supporters.

 
Although at this point it is uncertain who was really behind these attacks what is clear is that both sides are attempting to benefit from it politically. If members of MEND are ultimately found to be responsible then it will undermine President Jonathon’s credibility as someone who can handle the militants in the Delta. If it was Northerners behind the attack it will play into fears of extremism and make Babangida a less appealing candidate.

MEND issued its latest threat on October15th. The group said it will carry fresh bombing attacks in Abuja without specifying the time and day to prove to the Jonathan’s administration that they were behind the October1st blasts although President Jonathan seems to be accusing an outside terrorist organization, or political opponents for the attacks. In response, MEND has accused Jonathan of arresting innocent people for their attacks.

 
At the end of the day it will be up to the Nigerian people to choose who they want to lead their nation over the course of the next presidential term. The elections were originally scheduled to take place in January of 2011 but they have currently been postponed to April 2011. Only time will tell who will emerge as the next leader of Africa’s most populous nation.

During my voyage moving to Niger this past August, I remember sitting next to a U.S. Foreign Service Officer on the final leg of my journey who was describing her time in Niger and referred to it as the “Real Africa”. I wondered what she possibly could have meant by that, but now I see that many people see Africa as a place that in its “natural” state is a continent of poverty, war, illness, lack of infrastructure and development. Even many of those that work in international development or humanitarian relief continue to see the continent this way, even in the 21st century.

Unfortunately, Niger is Africa’s poorest country with some of the world’s highest infant and maternity mortality rates. Literacy rates nationwide are only at approximately 25%, the rates significantly lower for women. Niger also leads the world in terms of birth rates with families approximately producing 7 children. This has been a major detriment in its efforts to combat the ongoing food crisis which has almost 50% of the population in a state of moderate to acute malnutrition.

This past Saturday I arrived in Accra, Ghana. I had heard about the clean streets and friendly people, but what I met blew me away, and I fell into a 48-hour period of culture shock. My first stop was directly to the Accra Mall I had heard so much about. On the way there, I saw many businesses that one could find anywhere in the world, which demonstrates Ghana’s access to markets and is competitiveness on a global scale. The mall is definitely a capitalist’s paradise, but what is special about it is the bookstore filled with books written by Ghanaians showcasing the beautiful and vibrant history and culture of Africa’s 1st independent nation. The mall also has stores with clothing featuring Ghanaian designers, which is very motivating.

After spending the night in a lovely hotel, with friendly staff, in the morning I went for a walk in the neighborhood known as East Legon. East Legon is one of Accra’s newest neighborhoods with houses, or should I say mansions that look like you could be in any neighborhood anywhere in the Occident. There are also many schools, restaurants, and to my surprise a natural hair salon that specializes in locs! Natural hair has not yet been accepted in West Africa, so this shows another aspect of Ghana that is ahead of the margin.

Ghana, being rich in cocoa, gold, and other natural resources is prosperous in comparison to other African states, particularly in West Africa, yet is not perfect. The country being Europe’s first stop in Africa has dealt with an unstable political history, ethnic conflict in the North, and currently struggles with child labor and trafficking issues in fishing communities in the Lake Volta region (the world’s largest artificial lake).

Yet, in my mind, this is the real Africa. A country where one can walk down the street and see Africa’s potential and dream. In fact during my walk, I dropped 2 cedis (which is 1.4 to the $1), and a young girl ran after me yelling “Sistah! Sistah!” to alert me to the cash I dropped—a very heartwarming moment.

Homes in East Legon, and other brand new skyscraping apartment buildings may be too expensive for the average Ghanaian, but most are reportedly owned by Ghanaians. This is very refreshing since typically expats and politicians are the sole recipients who have access to enjoy the fruits of a struggling nation.
Although the literacy rate is not 100% and people still live in poverty especially in rural areas, Ghana shows us that her people are striving towards building a nation with a strong infrastructure that benefits most of its people and is competitive on a global scale.

My time here has been spent working, but within that I managed to sneak in a thundering church service, some tasty palm oil and kenkeh based meals, and hopefully will head to the beach this weekend. All Ghanaians should be proud of their accomplishments and I salute them for their success and hope all Africans are able to rise to their level of achievement—bravo!

By Bernard Londoni

Madagascar’s political crisis has deepened since March 2009, following the coming to power of Andry Rajoelina, the then mayor of Antananarivo who ousted former President Marc Ravalomanana through the backing of the military. Rajoelina became the strongman of Antananarivo as Ravalomanana left the Island. Since then, political tensions increased and the exiled president who is now living in South Africa continues to press so hard for his return to the political scene in the Island he said he loves so much. But the path to his return has left Malagasy people polarized and the political stalemate is increasing. What has further complicated the matter is the stand that the two other former presidents- Didier Ratsiraka and Albert Zafy have taken vis-a-vis to the crisis. Ratsiraka and Zafy have joined forces with Ravalomanana to oppose the rule of Rajoelina.

The African Union (AU), France and South Africa who are involved in resolving the crisis have found themselves caught between the politics and their passion for bringing the parties to agree to a political settlement. In collaboration with the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the UA dispatched former Mozambican President Joaquim Chissano to mediate the conflict. Things however have not turned well as expected by the mediator. The Chissano’s mediation team has produced the Maputo and Addis Ababa agreements which called for power-sharing between Rajoelina and the former three presidents’ camps. Due to complex issues surrounding the politics between Rajoelina and the three former presidents and their parties, the agreements did not stand long. Rajoelina unilaterally decided to throw everything behind the bus and initiated his own way to resolve the crisis. He has blocked through all means within his power the return of Ravalomanana and the two other former presidents to the Island.

Rajoelina has recently on Sept. 13-18 organized a national conference with other small and minor political parties to try to address the Island’s political crisis.

The conference passed resolutions allowing Rajoelina to remain the leader of the Island and established the national elections calendar with the constitutional referendum slated for Nov. 17, 2010, the legislative elections are scheduled for March 16, 2011 and the presidential polls are planned to take place on May 4. Furthermore, Rajoelina on Oct. 7 signed an order establishing a transitional parliament composed of appointed members; none of the three main opposition parties of the former presidents will be part of this new parliament. Can Rajoelina manage to do it himself without involving his three rivals who have strong popular support and bases in the Island? It remains to be seen, but the political crisis as I see it is far from ending. At any time you try to resolve a conflict by excluding other players who also have a role in the process, you normally end up not fixing the problem. Madagascar could risk seeing the Island plunged into new waves of violence and more conflicts that will not be healthy for its people.

The AU, the European Union (EU) have imposed sanctions on Madagascar to pressurize the leaders in Antananarivo to change their behavior, but it looks so far that the sanctions have not shaken Antananarivo. It is now seen that the ordinary people are the ones who are paying the price. For instance, the prices of commodities have skyrocketed. The Island’s economy is worsening every day as Madagascar relies on foreign investment to keep itself going. However, investors have left the Island hoping to see it restore its stability. For peace sake, there is need for sincere political will and engagement should Madagascar wants to see itself regain momentum to address its pressing challenging issues that surround its political climate. The policy pursed at the time being by the current regime that excludes other players on the table need to be revised. It is wise that those in power possibly try to include others in the process. This might not be the best answer to all the problems facing Madagascar, but at least it could reduce the political tensions that have left parties and their supporters polarized. Failure to do this will simply see Madagascar’s political crisis worsening. The AU, the EU and the rest of the international community that are involved in helping Madagascar gets its head above water should also look for more holistic approaches that seek to create trust, common ground and understanding between all parties in conflict. So far all the strategies have not met the expectation for which they were designed. Therefore, looking for where failures have occurred and try to fix them could be of paramount importance.

I am guilty of this very thought. I just purchased an Alexander Wang dress and felt better about myself the instant I tried it on, initially. Yet, the feeling was fleeting because the amount of money I paid for the dress, I later realized, could have been spent on a trip to visit my family in New York which always makes me feel cared for, supported, and unconditionally loved. I am the first to admit that esteem within myself has too much to do with the clothing I am wearing rather than the knowledge I have attained over the years, or the random acts of kindness I have shown to others throughout my life. When did the transition occur for things external to ourselves inform us of who we are more so than our ideology?

I remember a time in Washington, DC when people would lose their lives over a pair of Michael Jordan sneakers or an Eddie Bauer jacket. Essentially, materialism (defined as the preoccupation with or emphasis on material objects, comforts and considerations, with a disinterest in our rejection of spiritual, intellectual, of cultural values) is the very thing that embodies the African-American community’s fascination with possessions. The emphasis placed on others’ goods at the expense of pride within ourselves so often leads to envy and jealousy.

Yet, some within our community have rejected this notion of conspicuous consumption – the spending of goods and services to display one’s social status – and have used their money to purchase experiences. I recently read an article in the New York Times entitled “But Will It Make You Happy?” in which it discusses the decline in consumer spending in the United States due to the recession which has translated into consumers finding alternative ways to sustain happiness through the purchase of a vacation, or tickets to a concert or sporting event.

Keeping up with the Joneses too often means climbing into debt to maintain a status one has not reached, but with which one desires to be apart. This desire to be apart of a social strata that we do not belong embodies in my mind the need to re-evaluate what really matters in our lives. Is it the clothes on my back or the type of shoes on my feet that really matter; or is it the treasured feeling I give to my Grandma just by calling her or the concert tickets I buy to have fun with a friend who may be going through a tough time that truly impacts our lives? I challenge us within the global Black community to keep up with attaining our true desires, which I deem to be not what Vogue or P. Diddy says we should acquire but what our hearts say matter…love, peace and happiness which can’t be acquired through things but through relationships and experiences.

Sub-Saharan Africa has seen armed conflicts of different magnitudes at different periods of time. These conflicts are fueled not only by one specific issue but by a variety of factors that combined with the uncertainty created by the divergence of ideals or interests; make things harder to an extent that they turn to become protracted. No matter what armed conflicts you can think of, that occurred during the past decades or that are ongoing whether it is in Rwanda, Burundi, Angola, Chad, Nigeria, Somalia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, Central African Republic, etc.., much of it happened or continue to occur in the form of what Johan Galtung at Transcend calls physical and structural violence. Although these two types of violence are ongoing and create a danger for societies, today in Africa like it is in most parts of the world, the physical violence is what continues to be recognized and sometimes dealt with. Physical violence can in fact be seen and felt because people are hurt whether they are killed or wounded by gunshots at time of war, in an ambush, or during a rampage. In contrast, the structural violence that I argue is even more dangerous in Africa is often not dealt with because when this type of violence is inflicted on the people, we are not readily able to see this violence itself. When this type of violence occurs, no one is wounded or killed by an object, a gun or a machete. But this violence could create anxiety, frustrations, anger and mostly hatred.

The structural violence in Africa has played a much bigger role in fueling armed conflicts. Structural violence is created by state actors, institutions, and non-state actors who have the ability to stop conflicts from happening but choose not to in order to advance personal agendas or interests. These actors control government apparatus, big corporations or other nongovernmental organizations. The structural violence also comes into play when state actors, organizations, and corporations have the responsibility to create opportunities for the people by, for instance, building schools for little boys or girls to acquire a decent education, but somehow do not do it. When minority groups – in terms of ethnicity, gender, color or religion – are denied access to what others could easily get a hold of or are denied rights that most in the society enjoy.

For many other cases in Sub-Saharan Africa, the theory of “Basic Human Needs” that John Burton has developed, explains how the suffering of the African people could be fueling conflicts on the continent on a daily basis. In Africa, the majority of people experience extreme suffering. Poverty has destroyed the social fabric. Families have no ability to care for their loved ones. People feel abandoned by their own governments, communities and are left with no choices. Under such circumstances, individuals, especially youth, resort to violence or join armed groups when their basic human needs such as finding food, water, employment, shelter, clothing, and schooling are not met.

The failure of leaders to address the concerns of the people by not creating opportunities or by reducing the level of poverty in the communities lead individuals at some capacity in certain parts of Africa to take guns and use violence to make their voices heard.  For instance, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) in southern Nigeria has thousands of youth militants. These young men happen to be unemployed with no future whatsoever. However, they claim that they see the abundance of resources in their oil rich region – the Niger Delta – but the resources they say are not used at full capacity to advance their lives. They claim that government has not done enough to address their concerns. They want foreign oil companies operating in the region to share oil revenues with the local communities, but none of these concerns have been properly addressed as they should.

There are many cases of this genre across the African continent and in the world; however, structural violence has not been given the attention it deserves and the reason for it is due to it not being seen in some cases. Either no one claims to be responsible for it, or suffering people do not even know or realize that violence has been inflicted upon them. It isn’t until structural violence leads to armed conflicts that most people realize something is going on and try do something about it. In conclusion, in order to eliminate structural violence, leaders, state actors, institutions and corporations must lead by moral values. Leaders in Africa and of the world should and must have the integrity to do the right thing for the people. Otherwise, conflicts will always follow us and stick around us if we fail to address our differences, and especially if we fail to address other people’s concerns.

Many international organisations working in the field recognise that gender is one of the axes that structures power relations, distribution of rights, entitlements and privileges in society. However they usually fail to apply this knowledge in their projects when dealing with the issue of HIV/AIDS. Women and girls in Africa particularly are the evidence of such. Indeed, these organisations assume that women and girls in Africa always have a choice but such is not the case.

Not only is women’s sexuality particularly subject to stigma and control but cultural norms and cultural construction of masculinity tend to diminish women’s ability to protect themselves from unsafe sex. The social construction of sexuality (who should or should not express one) and the perception of men as “senior”/decision makers in relationships stops women from being in a position to negotiate on what terms they have sex and the kind of sex they have. Prevention strategies currently offered are usually all under men’s control. For instance, the Abstain, Be Faithful and Condomise slogan that can be seen on every single billboard in Sub-Saharan Africa does in no way take into account the fact that women are not really the decision makers in sexual relations.

Let us look at marriage, which is considered one of the biggest achievements for women in Africa. Marriage provides women with a social recognition and economic safety. If a woman confronts her husband’s extramarital sexual relations she risks losing her husband’s support and possibly bearing the blame in the eyes of her community for his infidelity as it is believed that  man’s tendency to seek outside women is directly related to the capacity of his wife to please him

Asking for a condom may imply she does not want to become pregnant. In African societies, reproduction is very highly valued and a childless woman is not only diminished in the eyes of others but also in her own. Motherhood comes under wifehood because “woman” is synonym for wife and procreation. I once read this interview about a Nigerian woman who was married with two children. Her husband got tested and found out about his HIV status. Her husband requested they used condoms from there on as he did not want to infect, but she categorically refused. When asked why, she replied: “I do not feel like a woman with only 2 children, I need more or I have failed. I know I will get sick, but it is ok, we will both take the medication.” I was puzzled when I read this, but I realised that cultural conditions affects women’s “choices”. This little anecdote brings me to this: policy-makers attempt to tackle the social and economic forces that expose women to vulnerabilities…But this is only scratching the surface as the problem is also entrenched partly in cultural conditions. The case of Botswana is an illustration of such…

While some often continue to blame colonialism and imperialism to be the causes of the problems facing the continent, I understand that argument. However, I encourage my fellow Africans to look beyond that. There is so much we can do than just blaming all our contemporary problems on the past. This does not discredit the impact that colonialism and imperialism have had on the continent. It is painstakingly clear that these events have caused devastating damages that have led some countries paralyzed. However, in this contemporary era, in which our own sons and daughters rule our African nations, I would hope to see that we take the analysis a step further by looking in the mirror, and recognizing our role in perpetuating what has happened on the continent post-independence from European colonialism. Our thoughts can start to lead to action and make sense if we reform our past thinking. We can no longer afford to look for solutions of our problems elsewhere. We are part of the problem; therefore, we need to be part of the solution.

Even following post-independence, we continue to witness unfair treatment of African people by their own leaders. The Africa leadership deficit leads to the continued rampant corruption that is widely seen from the offices of the presidents to the youth and petty traders in the streets. There is also a democracy deficit caused by the lack of transparency in governing, the illicit campaigns of ruling parties silencing its opponents, and often physically eliminating them in order to establish one party states. Power struggle has become a continued trend that Sub-Saharan Africa continues to deal with on a daily basis.  Leaders seek to unconstitutionally extend their mandate or hold elections marred by fraud and irregularities. All of these practices are the work of our contemporary leaders. They were not passed on to the African leaders by colonial powers though the last have also played a negative role that contributed to the chaotic situation in the wake of post-independence period.

For instance, if we take a look at elections held this year alone on the continent; you will find that nearly 100 percent of them experienced either massive fraud or irregularities. From Burundi to Guinea, Ethiopia, Togo and Sudan, people did not get the leaders they deserve because the democratic processes in these countries are not real. They are simply pure manipulative machines of the establishment rule to maintain power indefinitely by excluding their challengers. This clearly shows that the democratic closure in Sub-Saharan Africa has reached its peak.

What further complicates things in Sub Saharan Africa is the magnitude of misrule and dictatorial regimes.  Leaders continue to lead by decree, and dissolve national parliaments to extend their rule. They ban political parties, restrict protests and demonstrations while shutting down independent news papers. They institute harsh laws to muzzle the press including banning independent journalists from practicing their job. On top of that, the civil society and opposition movements haven’t played the necessary role empowering their followers to explore their full potential to become good agents of change. Therefore, it is important that we pay much attention in fixing the failed leadership in Sub Saharan Africa in all sectors of the society if we want to make progress.

Leadership should be drawn from all parts of society to address the most pressing challenging issues that the continent faces today. Comrades; here I mean the grassroots, should empower themselves to initiate the democratic change they wish to see should their leaders block this process. I am under the impression that most people try to look for a leader elsewhere while they can be the leaders needed to turn things around. What is lacking is the motivation to start organizing, as everyone waits to see the other doing something. With this attitude, chances are that no one will step up to lead others to embracing change.

Former South African President Nelson Mandela has a word for African new generations. On his release from prison, Mandela on February 11, 1990 at a rally in Cape Town called South Africans, blacks and whites, to recognize that apartheid had no future in South Africa. He urged blacks and whites to pursue a mass action to end Apartheid so as to build peace and security. But as leadership is not a one-person business, Mandela said:

“…the need to unite the people of our country is as important a task now as it always has been… No individual leader is able to take on this enormous task on his own. It is our task as leaders to place our views before our organizations and to allow the democratic structure to decide” (African National Congress.)

This is the kind of leadership Sub-Saharan Africa needs; a collaborative leadership that serves the common purpose for Africa to end the politics of exclusion. Finally, establishing a free democratic system modeled by taking into account Africa’s realities could be crucial to ensure that people get the leaders they deserve. You can get to the free democratic system by engaging citizens into the process so that they understand their obligations as members of a nation. As misrule has been the norm for the past five decades, there would be a need to establish new democratic principles and systems. Separating powers, enforcing political accountability and transparency could be key in avoiding failed leadership in most countries in the region. It implies putting in place a constitutional law and an independent judiciary that will help uphold it. In addition, a working legislative body with parliamentary scrutiny over state institutions is crucial.  Failure to address issues that are raised here will leave room for a continuation of political, economic and social instability in Sub Saharan Africa with failed leadership continuing to be the norm.

I landed in Johannesburg just two days after the kick off celebrations
in Soccer City where they started with an international all
star-studded concert featuring local artists; as well as
world-renowned American superstars the Black Eyed Peas.  There was
also warm welcome delivered from Nobel Peace Prize laureate Archbishop
Desmond Tutu.  Watching the celebration weeks later still ignites
emotion-filled chills sparked by how much attention was given to
Africa in such a positive way.

During the games there were no images of famines, conflict, or
poverty, which are usual depictions of the continent. Instead a happy
side of Africa that many people have never seen before was transmitted
by radio and television airwaves worldwide.  The weather in South
Africa at that time was chilly due to fact that it was wintertime
unless you were in Kwazulu- Natal where the sun still shone like it
was the middle of summer, and the beaches were warm from the Indian
Ocean currents.

I named my documentary The World Came To Africa and created a blog
that features pictures and short videos throughout the two weeks I was
there.  My first interview was with former striker for South Africa’s
national team Bafana Bafana Marks Maponyane, who won “South African
Football Player of the Year” three times.  He now enjoys being a
motivational speaker and sports commentator.  He gave me an insightful
perspective on the history of South African soccer under apartheid
when blacks, whites, coloreds and south Asians immigrants were forced
to play under separate leagues.  He spoke about South Africa’s
monumental evolution from being banned by FIFA in the 1970s to hosting
the World Cup this year with newly remodeled stadiums and drastically
improved infrastructure.   Critics largely from western media outlets
highlighted Africa’s failures, and predicted that the World Cup would
result in a “world disaster” leaving little room for positive
reporting.

Despite these pessimistic predictions, after talking to people and
observing other developments I can say honestly say that South Africa
did a fantastic job hosting although there is still room for
improvement.  I witnessed Africans from Botswana, Ghana, Nigeria,
Algeria, and Mozambique integrating and learning more about each other
cultures in social settings.

Pan Africans from Brazil, the Caribbean, and the Americas were able to
stand in solidarity with South Africa as hosts similarly to the many
times they stood alongside freedom fighters working diligently against
the injustice faced by the people of South Africa. This was a time to
support South Africa as many stood side by side with people up until
Nelson Mandela’s (affectionately known by his people as Madiba)
release from prison in 1990.  Sadly just hours before the first game
between South Africa and Mexico, Madiba’s great granddaughter Zenani
Mandela passed away in a car accident at the tender age of 13. Always
a leader to his people due to the unfortunate circumstances Madiba was
in private mourning while the rest of the world watched the kick off
game, a shining moment in African history.

The following games featured six African nations with star players
including: Ghana’s Michael Essien, Ivory Coast’s Didier Drogba, and
Cameroon’s Samuel Eto’o; each hoping to lead their national teams to
the finals. In the end Ghana became the third African team to advance
to the World Cup quarterfinals.

My expectations were met and I am honored to have had the opportunity
to interact with the different groups who supported the event.  I pay
homage to the fans, workers, entrepreneurs and families that hosted my
visit to the southern tip of Africa.  The journey was a great
experience to see us enjoying ourselves and showing the rest of the
world how we party since many people have had such a narrow minded
view of the continent.

The World Cup did not erase racism, nor did it solve poverty or the
lack of healthcare, but it did bring back pride and hope that if we
can do it once we can do again! The task ahead is not asking whether
FIFA coming to South Africa was supposed to help resolve poverty, but
instead provide South Africans with new motivation to redefine the
struggle for liberation after the monster of apartheid has been
defeated.

Enjoy these short videos that I produced while visiting and if you
want to see more photos you can visit the website I
www.TheWorldCameToAfrica.tumblr.com.  The film will eventually be
edited into a 60 minute documentary and distributed via online and at
various film festivals.